Aspectual marking in Gonja

Abstract

This thesis is on aspectual marking in Gonja, a Guan language spoken in the Savannah Region of Ghana. The study employs Basic Linguistic Theory (BLT) in the data analysis. Data used in this thesis were collected from primary sources; mainly from naturally occurring spoken texts (spontaneous speech), which were recorded from Nkilgi FM. Hence, spontaneous data, which were tape recorded informally and formally, were then transcribed for analysis and description. Furthermore, the spoken texts were supplemented by elicited data as well as data based on my native speaker's introspection. It revealed that Gonja employs both covert and overt strategies in the marking of aspect. For instance, while the perfective aspect is not morphologically marked, the habitual and progressive employ independent syntactic elements to mark aspect. In terms of syntax, I show that these particles occur in the preverbal position immediately preceding the verb phrase (VP). I also investigated the interaction between aspect and negation, showing that the progressive aspectual marker bee and the negative progressive marker maa are not compatible in Gonja. It is also established that the future aspectual marker beeŋ and the negative future marker maaŋ are not compatible in Gonja. Again, the study shows that the particle bee doubles as a progressive and habitual marker in Gonja. In addition, the study investigates the particle maa and show that it can be used to code both negative progressive and negative habitual in Gonja.